A number of
years ago during a Constitutional seminar in
a city in east Texas, a man came up to me at
the break and introduced himself. He said he
was a practicing attorney in the city and
since graduating from law school many years
before had never thought it necessary to
attend a "Constitutional Seminar." He said
he thought he knew all he needed to know
about the document because he had taken the
required courses of Constitutional Law in
law school. But, said he, I have learned
more about the Constitution this morning
than I have ever known before. Over the
years, he had finally come to the
realization that what he had been taught in
law school was not the Constitution. He
expressed gratitude that someone was out
there trying to bring the Founder's
Constitution back again. I later learned
that this man was a most prominent,
respected attorney in this city and that our
host had persuaded him to attend our
seminar.
Since this
experience, we have met many lawyers who
have who have expressed the same
disappointment in their law school
experience when it comes to the Constitution
of the United States. It has reinforced in
my mind over the years that knowledge of the
Constitution in the tradition of the
Founding Fathers is a great void and vacuum
in our legal culture today.
Anti-Constitutionalists rule our judicial
system today
Perhaps one
of the best-qualified persons to ever
describe this condition in our legal system
today was Judge Robert H. Bork, who was
nominated to become a Supreme Court Justice
by President Ronald Reagan in 1987. For
several years Judge Bork was a distinguished
professor at the Yale Law School , then Solicitor
General of the United States. He served as
acting U.S. Attorney General and was then
appointed as circuit judge of the U.S. Court
of Appeals for the District of Columbia in
1982.
Judge Bork
was outraged by the law schools of today and
their obvious disdain for the Constitution.
He said:
"Few
professors spend even a week on Story
[former Chief Justice Joseph Story's
commentaries on the Constitution], or The
Federalist Papers [the Founders'
commentaries on the Constitution], or the
original Constitution. I know I didn't [at
the University of Chicago Law School]....
Nobody in law schools is teaching the
Constitution. They are teaching Supreme
Court opinions."
Judge Bork
also criticized the law-school textbook:
"Most law
students today read primarily cases of the
last twenty years or so because the older
cases get weeded out of the case book. They
have no idea that some constitutional
subjects have undergone a revolution,
because they don't know any prior history.
They sometimes think that some decision is
really essential to our freedom, and if it
were overruled, all kinds of terrible things
would happen, without realizing that this
country went on for a century and three
quarters without that decision. Maybe it's a
good decision or a bad decision -- but it is
not, as students tend to suppose, an
inevitable decision."
Of course,
the tragedy of this educational anemia is
the fact that the courts have made their
decisions the supreme law of the land. If
that is all the student learns, he or she
will never know the principles of
constitutional law in the tradition of the
Founding Fathers. Judge Bork commented on
this, saying:
"There has
recently grown up, in the law schools in
particular, a school of constitutional
philosophy which holds that judges are not
properly bound by the intent of the framers
of the Constitution, but may, indeed should,
make new constitutional law, create new
rights. And it is suggested that they may do
so either because moral philosophy suggests
inhibitions on legislative powers not found
in the Constitution, or because judges think
the legislative process is malfunctioning in
some way that they themselves define."
When Judge
Bork was asked why he felt this trend among
both lawyers and judges was extremely
dangerous to the future of America , he
replied:
"Because you
would have a small group of unelected,
unrepresentative judges making the basic law
of the nation, quite irrespective of the
desires of the electorate, and quite
irrespective of the meaning of the
Constitution. That would bring minority
tyranny in spades." (Quoted from The
Constitution magazine, August 1987 by
W. Cleon Skousen)
The
Founders leave us the key to understanding
the Constitution
Of course,
this could have been prevented if the courts
had stayed with the doctrine of
"constitutional supremacy" and interpreted
the Constitution according to the original
intent of the Founders. The Founders left no
doubt as to how this document should be
read. When Jefferson became President he said:
"The
Constitution on which our Union rests shall
be administered by me according to the safe
and honest meaning contemplated by the plain
understanding of the people of the United
States at the time of its adoption -- a
meaning to be found in the explanations of
those who advocated, not those who opposed
it.... These explanations are preserved in
the publications of the time."
Later, he
emphasized the same views:
"On every
question of construction, [let us] carry
ourselves back to the time when the
Constitution was adopted, recollect the
spirit manifested in the debates, and
instead of trying what meaning may be
squeezed out of the text, or invented
against it, conform to the probable one in
which it was passed."
These
comments are similar to those expressed by
the other leaders in the early chapters of
the country's history. Chief Justice Taney
expressed the traditional view of the
Founders when he wrote:
"It [the
Constitution] speaks not only in the same
words, but with the same meaning and intent
with which it spoke when it came from the
hands of its framers, and was voted on and
adopted by the people of the United States .
Any other rule of construction would
abrogate the judicial character of the Court
and make it the mere reflect of the popular
opinion or passion of the day."
In a
textbook, he wrote:
"The first
and fundamental rule in the interpretation
of all instruments is, to construe them
according to the sense of the terms, and the
intentions of the parties."
The
Danger Signals Appeared Early
In spite of
the severe restrictions which were placed on
the Supreme Court in its interpretation of
the Constitution, it soon became apparent to
Thomas Jefferson that this judicial body had
the potential power of using judicial review
to seriously distort the original intent of
the Founders by twisting the meaning of the
Constitution. Through clever
"interpretations," Jefferson saw the possibility of the Supreme Court creating new laws and even
using its opinions to unlawfully amend the
Constitution. In 1821, he wrote:
"It has long,
however, been my opinion, and I have never
shrunk from its expression ... that the germ
of dissolution of our federal government is
in the constitution of the federal
judiciary; an irresponsible body, (for
impeachment is scarcely a scare-crow)
working like gravity by night and by day,
gaining a little today and a little
tomorrow, and advancing its noiseless step
like a thief, over the field of
jurisdiction, until all shall be usurped
from the States, and the government of all
be consolidated into one. To this I am
opposed; because, when all government,
domestic and foreign, in little as in great
things, shall be drawn to Washington as the
center of all power, it will render
powerless the checks provided of one
government on another, and will become as
venal and oppressive as the government from
which we separated."
In many
respects the justices of the Supreme Court
restrained themselves for several
generations, but eventually the temptation
to substitute their own wisdom for that of
the Founders began to manifest itself with
increasing frequency. Just as Jefferson had
predicted, the court's decisions began to
transfer both political and economic power
to Washington. The Supreme Court became so
involved in using judicial review, with
non-constitutional interpretations, that the
Founders would have undoubtedly accused the
court of "legislating" in some cases and
"amending" the Constitution in others. In
both situations the court was acting without
authority, and there should have been some
constitutional procedure to nullify their
decisions.
To appreciate
how far we have strayed, let us examine the
words of a notable constitutional authority,
Edwin S. Corwin, who wrote The
Constitution of the
United
States, Annotated,
an official government publication. He
points out that the Supreme Court has passed
through four identifiable stages of
development, which may be summarized as
follows:
There was the
John Marshall period when the Constitution
was used to establish "national supremacy."
The Federalist Papers and the words of the
Founders were almost the exclusive guide to
constitutional interpretations during this
first period.
The second
period began with the appointment of Chief
Justice Taney in 1835 and extended to
approximately 1895. During this period the
Supreme Court leaned heavily on various
doctrines of constitutional theory and
seldom quoted the Founders or the Federalist
Papers. Nevertheless, the Court adhered
rather strictly to the philosophy of the
Founders, even though they seldom quoted
them.
Beginning
around 1895, the Supreme Court moved into a
third phase by gradually replacing
constitutional supremacy with judicial
supremacy. The Constitution was no longer
what the Founders said it was, but rather
what the Supreme Court said it was. To quote
Dr. Corwin:
"It was early in this period that Governor
[Charles Evans] Hughes, soon to ascend the
Bench [and later serve as Chief Justice from
1930 to 1941] said, without perhaps
intending all that his words literally
conveyed, 'We are under a Constitution, but
the Constitution is what the judges say it
is.' ... Senator Borah, in the Senate debate
on Mr. Hughes' nomination for Chief Justice,
in 1930, declared that the Supreme Court had
become 'economic dictator in the United
States.' Some of the Justices concurred in
these observations, especially Justices
Holmes and Brandeis. Asserted the latter,
the Court had made itself 'a
super-legislature' and Justice Holmes could
discover 'hardly any limit but the sky to
the power claimed by the Court to disallow
State acts' which may happen to strike a
majority [of its members] as for any reason
undesirable."
The final
period is one which is continuing today. It
is the spectacle of a judiciary virtually
out of control and seriously in need of
repair by a constitutional amendment.
Betrayed by the Bench
-
How judge-made Law Has Transformed
America 's Constitution, Courts and Culture
In the 1960s,
John Stormer published a book entitled
None Dare Call It Treason. This book
ignited the conservative movement of the 60s
and was distributed by the hundreds of
thousands by those supporting the
presidential campaign of Senator Barry
Goldwater. It became a runaway best-seller
and, together with his other four books, has
sold over eleven million copies. His latest
book Betrayed by the Bench
describes in very understandable terms what
judges in our land have done to our
Constitution. It is a short, easy-to-read
book that can, once again, be an item to
distribute to those who are concerned about
America. Its chapters include:
What Happens
When Judges Violate Their Oath of Office?
Schools Have
Eroded Constitutional Awareness and Respect
To Interpret
the Constitution, Start with the Declaration
Biblical
Support for the Declaration, and the
Constitution
A Nation
Under God - What Does History Say?
America
Changed by Two 19th Century Academic
Theories
Roscoe Pound,
Sociological Jurisprudence and Judge-Made
Law
Common Law or
Code Law? What's the Difference?
Using the
14th Amendment to Negate the 9th and 10th
Amendments
Is it
Unconstitutional for the State to
Acknowledge God?
Will Men
Again Pledge Their Lives, Fortunes, and
Sacred Honor?
The ACLU--Its
History, Its Goals and Its Financing
Should the
Supreme Court Use International Precedents?
Restoring
Godly Constitutional Justice and Culture
Change the
Debate to Reclaim the Cultural Initiative
At the
request of NCCS the author is reprinting his
book in paperback so it can be distributed
en mass. Every citizen, every attorney,
every educator, every parent, should read
this book.
NCCS feels
very strongly about the contents of this
book and wants to encourage our supporters
to each get 10 copies at the special reduced
price of 10 for $50 and to use their
influence to get these into the hands of
influential people.
Click here to order 10 copies for
only $5.00 each, or
click here to order 1 copy for $14.95.
Click here to learn more about this
book.
Sincerely,
Earl Taylor,
Jr.
National Center for Constitutional Studies